By Kimberley A. Strassel
Michigan Rep. Bart Stupak sold his anti-abortion soul for a toothless executive order.
Last week Republican Rep. Mike Pence posted on his Facebook site that famous Schoolhouse Rock video titled How a Bill Becomes a Law. Its clearly time for a remake.
Never before has the average American been treated to such a live-action view of the sordid politics necessary to push a deeply flawed bill to completion. It was dirty deals open threats broken promises and disregard for democracy that pulled ObamaCare to this point and yesterday the same machinations pushed it across the finish line.
You could see it all coming a week ago when New York Rep. Louise Slaughter let leak a breathtaking strategy whereby the House would not actually vote on the unpopular Senate bill. The House would instead vote on a reconciliation fix to that bill and in the process deem the underlying legislationwith its Cornhusker kickbacks and Louisiana purchasespassed.
The Slaughter Solution was both blunt admission and warning. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi did not have 216 votes to pass the Senate bill there never was going to be majority support for it but theyd pass it anyway. The final days were a simple death watch to see how the votes would be bought bribed or bullied and how many congressional rules gamed to get the win.
President Obama flew to Pennsylvania (home to five wavering House Democrats) Missouri (three wavering) Ohio (eight) and Virginia (four) to hold rallies with small supportive crowds. In four days Mr. Obama held 64 meetings or calls with congressmen. The goal was to let undecideds know that the president had them in his crosshairs that he still had pull with the base and hed use it against them. By Saturday the tactic had yielded yes votes from at least half the previously undecided members of those states.
As for those who needed more persuasion: California Rep. Jim Costa bragged publicly that during his meeting in the Oval Office hed demanded the administration increase water to his Central Valley district. On Tuesday Interior pushed up its announcement giving the Central Valley farmers 25 of water supplies rather than the expected 5 allocation. Mr. Costa who denies there was a quid pro quo on Saturday said hed flip to a yes.
Florida Rep. Suzanne Kosmas (whose district is home to the Kennedy Space Center) admitted that in her own Thursday meeting with the president shed brought up the need for more NASA funding. On Friday she flipped to a yes. So watch the NASA budget.
Democrats inserted a new provision providing $100 million in extra Medicaid money for Tennessee. Retiring Tennessee Rep. Bart Gordon flipped to a yes vote on Thursday.
Outside heavies were enlisted to warn potential no votes that unions and other Democrats would run them out of Congress. Al Lawson a Tallahassee liberal challenging Blue Dog Florida Rep. Allen Boyd in a primary made Mr. Boyds previous no vote the centerpiece of his criticism. The SEIU threatened to yank financial support for New Yorks Michael McMahon. The liberal Working Families Party said it would deny him a ballot line. Obama deputy campaign manager Steve Hildebrand vowed to challenge South Dakota Rep. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin if she voted no. New Yorks Scott Murphy was targeted as a part of a $1.3 million union-financed ad campaign to pressure him to flip. Moveon.Org spent another $36000 on ads in his district and promised a primary. Messrs. Boyd and Murphy caved on Friday.
All the while Mrs. Pelosi was desperately working to provide cover with a Congressional Budget Office score that would claim the bill saved money. To do it Democrats threw in a further $66 billion in Medicare cuts and another $50 billion in taxes. Huzzah! In the day following the CBO score about a half-dozen Democrats who had spent the past months complaining the bill already had too many taxes and Medicare cuts now said they were voting to reduce the deficit.
Even with all this by Friday Mrs. Pelosi was dealing with a new problem: The rule changes and deals winning her votes were losing her votes too. The public backlash against deem and pass gave several wary Democratssuch as Massachusettss Stephen Lynch and Californias Dennis Cardozaa new excuse to vote no.
Mrs. Pelosi jettisoned deem and pass. Once-solid Democrat yes votes wanted their own concessions. Oregons Pete DeFazio threatened to lead a revolt unless changes were made to Medicare payments to benefit his state. On Saturday Mrs. Pelosi cut a deal to give 17 states additional Medicare money.
By the weekend all the pressure and threats and bribes had left the speaker three to five votes short. Her remaining roadblock was those pro-life members whod boxed themselves in on abortion saying they would vote against the Senate bill unless it barred public funding of abortion. Mrs. Pelosis first instinct was to go around this bloc getting the votes elsewhere. She couldnt.
Into Saturday night Michigans Bart Stupak and Mrs. Pelosi wrangled over options. The stalemate? Any change that gave Mr. Stupak what he wanted in law would lose votes from pro-choice members. The solution? Remove it from Congress altogether having the president instead sign a meaningless executive order affirming that no public money should go to pay for abortions.
The order wont change the Senate legal languageas pro-choice Democrats publicly crowed within minutes of the Stupak deal. Executive orders can be changed or eliminated on a whim. Pro-life groups condemned the order as the vote-getting ruse it was. Nevertheless Mr. Stupak and several of his colleagues voted yes paving the way to Mrs. Pelosis final vote tally of 219.
Even in these waning minutes Senate Democrats were playing their own games. Republicans announced they had found language in the House reconciliation bill that could doom this entire fix in the Senate. Since many House Democrats only agreed to vote for the Senate bill on promises that the sidecar reconciliation would pass this was potentially a last-minute killer.
Senate Democrats handled it by deliberately refusing to meet with Republicans and the Senate parliamentarian to get a ruling lest it be unfavorable and lose House votes. The dodge was a clear dereliction of duty but Democrats figure the Senate parliamentarian wont dare derail this process after ObamaCare passes. They are probably right.
So there you have it folks: How a Bill Becomes a Law at least in Obama-Pelosi land. Perhaps the most remarkable Democratic accomplishment this week was to make the process of passing ObamaCare as politically toxic as the bill itself.
President Obama was elected by millions of Americans attracted to his promise to change Washington politics. These were voters furious with earmarks insider deals and a lack of transparency. They were the many Americans who even before this week held Congress in historic low esteem. Theyll remember this spectacle come November.
Ms. Strassel writes the Journals weekly Potomac Watch column from Washington.
By Kimberley A. Strassel
Michigan Rep. Bart Stupak sold his anti-abortion soul for a toothless executive order.
Last week Republican Rep. Mike Pence posted on his Facebook site that famous Schoolhouse Rock video titled How a Bill Becomes a Law. Its clearly time for a remake.
Never before has the average American been treated to such a live-action view of the sordid politics necessary to push a deeply flawed bill to completion. It was dirty deals open threats broken promises and disregard for democracy that pulled ObamaCare to this point and yesterday the same machinations pushed it across the finish line.
You could see it all coming a week ago when New York Rep. Louise Slaughter let leak a breathtaking strategy whereby the House would not actually vote on the unpopular Senate bill. The House would instead vote on a reconciliation fix to that bill and in the process deem the underlying legislationwith its Cornhusker kickbacks and Louisiana purchasespassed.
The Slaughter Solution was both blunt admission and warning. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi did not have 216 votes to pass the Senate bill there never was going to be majority support for it but theyd pass it anyway. The final days were a simple death watch to see how the votes would be bought bribed or bullied and how many congressional rules gamed to get the win.
President Obama flew to Pennsylvania (home to five wavering House Democrats) Missouri (three wavering) Ohio (eight) and Virginia (four) to hold rallies with small supportive crowds. In four days Mr. Obama held 64 meetings or calls with congressmen. The goal was to let undecideds know that the president had them in his crosshairs that he still had pull with the base and hed use it against them. By Saturday the tactic had yielded yes votes from at least half the previously undecided members of those states.
As for those who needed more persuasion: California Rep. Jim Costa bragged publicly that during his meeting in the Oval Office hed demanded the administration increase water to his Central Valley district. On Tuesday Interior pushed up its announcement giving the Central Valley farmers 25 of water supplies rather than the expected 5 allocation. Mr. Costa who denies there was a quid pro quo on Saturday said hed flip to a yes.
Florida Rep. Suzanne Kosmas (whose district is home to the Kennedy Space Center) admitted that in her own Thursday meeting with the president shed brought up the need for more NASA funding. On Friday she flipped to a yes. So watch the NASA budget.
Democrats inserted a new provision providing $100 million in extra Medicaid money for Tennessee. Retiring Tennessee Rep. Bart Gordon flipped to a yes vote on Thursday.
Outside heavies were enlisted to warn potential no votes that unions and other Democrats would run them out of Congress. Al Lawson a Tallahassee liberal challenging Blue Dog Florida Rep. Allen Boyd in a primary made Mr. Boyds previous no vote the centerpiece of his criticism. The SEIU threatened to yank financial support for New Yorks Michael McMahon. The liberal Working Families Party said it would deny him a ballot line. Obama deputy campaign manager Steve Hildebrand vowed to challenge South Dakota Rep. Stephanie Herseth Sandlin if she voted no. New Yorks Scott Murphy was targeted as a part of a $1.3 million union-financed ad campaign to pressure him to flip. Moveon.Org spent another $36000 on ads in his district and promised a primary. Messrs. Boyd and Murphy caved on Friday.
All the while Mrs. Pelosi was desperately working to provide cover with a Congressional Budget Office score that would claim the bill saved money. To do it Democrats threw in a further $66 billion in Medicare cuts and another $50 billion in taxes. Huzzah! In the day following the CBO score about a half-dozen Democrats who had spent the past months complaining the bill already had too many taxes and Medicare cuts now said they were voting to reduce the deficit.
Even with all this by Friday Mrs. Pelosi was dealing with a new problem: The rule changes and deals winning her votes were losing her votes too. The public backlash against deem and pass gave several wary Democratssuch as Massachusettss Stephen Lynch and Californias Dennis Cardozaa new excuse to vote no.
Mrs. Pelosi jettisoned deem and pass. Once-solid Democrat yes votes wanted their own concessions. Oregons Pete DeFazio threatened to lead a revolt unless changes were made to Medicare payments to benefit his state. On Saturday Mrs. Pelosi cut a deal to give 17 states additional Medicare money.
By the weekend all the pressure and threats and bribes had left the speaker three to five votes short. Her remaining roadblock was those pro-life members whod boxed themselves in on abortion saying they would vote against the Senate bill unless it barred public funding of abortion. Mrs. Pelosis first instinct was to go around this bloc getting the votes elsewhere. She couldnt.
Into Saturday night Michigans Bart Stupak and Mrs. Pelosi wrangled over options. The stalemate? Any change that gave Mr. Stupak what he wanted in law would lose votes from pro-choice members. The solution? Remove it from Congress altogether having the president instead sign a meaningless executive order affirming that no public money should go to pay for abortions.
The order wont change the Senate legal languageas pro-choice Democrats publicly crowed within minutes of the Stupak deal. Executive orders can be changed or eliminated on a whim. Pro-life groups condemned the order as the vote-getting ruse it was. Nevertheless Mr. Stupak and several of his colleagues voted yes paving the way to Mrs. Pelosis final vote tally of 219.
Even in these waning minutes Senate Democrats were playing their own games. Republicans announced they had found language in the House reconciliation bill that could doom this entire fix in the Senate. Since many House Democrats only agreed to vote for the Senate bill on promises that the sidecar reconciliation would pass this was potentially a last-minute killer.
Senate Democrats handled it by deliberately refusing to meet with Republicans and the Senate parliamentarian to get a ruling lest it be unfavorable and lose House votes. The dodge was a clear dereliction of duty but Democrats figure the Senate parliamentarian wont dare derail this process after ObamaCare passes. They are probably right.
So there you have it folks: How a Bill Becomes a Law at least in Obama-Pelosi land. Perhaps the most remarkable Democratic accomplishment this week was to make the process of passing ObamaCare as politically toxic as the bill itself.
President Obama was elected by millions of Americans attracted to his promise to change Washington politics. These were voters furious with earmarks insider deals and a lack of transparency. They were the many Americans who even before this week held Congress in historic low esteem. Theyll remember this spectacle come November.
Ms. Strassel writes the Journals weekly Potomac Watch column from Washington.
