Among the many painful ironies in the current racial turmoil is that communities scattered across the country were disrupted by riots and looting because of the demonstrable lie that Michael Brown was shot in the back by a white policeman in Missouri -- but there was not nearly as much turmoil created by the demonstrable fact that a fleeing black man was shot dead by a white policeman in South Carolina.
Totally ignored was the fact that a black policeman in Alabama fatally shot an unarmed white teenager and was cleared of any charges at about the same time that a white policeman was cleared of charges in the fatal shooting of Michael Brown.
In a world where the truth means so little and headstrong preconceptions seem to be all that matter what hope is there for rational words or rational behavior much less mutual understanding across racial lines?
When the recorded fatal shooting of a fleeing man in South Carolina brought instant condemnation by whites and blacks alike and by the most conservative as well as the most liberal commentators that moment of mutual understanding was very fleeting as if mutual understanding were something to be avoided as a threat to a vision of us against them that was more popular.
That vision is nowhere more clearly expressed than in attempts to automatically depict whatever social problems exist in ghetto communities as being caused by the sins or negligence of whites whether racism in general or a legacy of slavery in particular. Like most emotionally powerful visions it is seldom if ever subjected to the test of evidence.
The legacy of slavery argument is not just an excuse for inexcusable behavior in the ghettos. In a larger sense it is an evasion of responsibility for the disastrous consequences of the prevailing social vision of our times and the political policies based on that vision over the past half century.
Anyone who is serious about evidence need only compare black communities as they evolved in the first 100 years after slavery with black communities as they evolved in the first 50 years after the explosive growth of the welfare state beginning in the 1960s.
You would be hard-pressed to find as many ghetto riots prior to the 1960s as we have seen just in the past year much less in the 50 years since a wave of such riots swept across the country in 1965.
We are told that such riots are a result of black poverty and white racism. But in fact -- for those who still have some respect for facts -- black poverty was far worse and white racism was far worse prior to 1960. But violent crime within black ghettos was far less.
Among the many painful ironies in the current racial turmoil is that communities scattered across the country were disrupted by riots and looting because of the demonstrable lie that Michael Brown was shot in the back by a white policeman in Missouri -- but there was not nearly as much turmoil created by the demonstrable fact that a fleeing black man was shot dead by a white policeman in South Carolina.
Totally ignored was the fact that a black policeman in Alabama fatally shot an unarmed white teenager and was cleared of any charges at about the same time that a white policeman was cleared of charges in the fatal shooting of Michael Brown.
In a world where the truth means so little and headstrong preconceptions seem to be all that matter what hope is there for rational words or rational behavior much less mutual understanding across racial lines?
When the recorded fatal shooting of a fleeing man in South Carolina brought instant condemnation by whites and blacks alike and by the most conservative as well as the most liberal commentators that moment of mutual understanding was very fleeting as if mutual understanding were something to be avoided as a threat to a vision of us against them that was more popular.
That vision is nowhere more clearly expressed than in attempts to automatically depict whatever social problems exist in ghetto communities as being caused by the sins or negligence of whites whether racism in general or a legacy of slavery in particular. Like most emotionally powerful visions it is seldom if ever subjected to the test of evidence.
The legacy of slavery argument is not just an excuse for inexcusable behavior in the ghettos. In a larger sense it is an evasion of responsibility for the disastrous consequences of the prevailing social vision of our times and the political policies based on that vision over the past half century.
Anyone who is serious about evidence need only compare black communities as they evolved in the first 100 years after slavery with black communities as they evolved in the first 50 years after the explosive growth of the welfare state beginning in the 1960s.
You would be hard-pressed to find as many ghetto riots prior to the 1960s as we have seen just in the past year much less in the 50 years since a wave of such riots swept across the country in 1965.
We are told that such riots are a result of black poverty and white racism. But in fact -- for those who still have some respect for facts -- black poverty was far worse and white racism was far worse prior to 1960. But violent crime within black ghettos was far less.
Thomas Sowell is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institute and author of The Housing Boom and Bust.
Among the many painful ironies in the current racial turmoil is that communities scattered across the country were disrupted by riots and looting because of the demonstrable lie that Michael Brown was shot in the back by a white policeman in Missouri -- but there was not nearly as much turmoil created by the demonstrable fact that a fleeing black man was shot dead by a white policeman in South Carolina.
Totally ignored was the fact that a black policeman in Alabama fatally shot an unarmed white teenager and was cleared of any charges at about the same time that a white policeman was cleared of charges in the fatal shooting of Michael Brown.
In a world where the truth means so little and headstrong preconceptions seem to be all that matter what hope is there for rational words or rational behavior much less mutual understanding across racial lines?
When the recorded fatal shooting of a fleeing man in South Carolina brought instant condemnation by whites and blacks alike and by the most conservative as well as the most liberal commentators that moment of mutual understanding was very fleeting as if mutual understanding were something to be avoided as a threat to a vision of us against them that was more popular.
That vision is nowhere more clearly expressed than in attempts to automatically depict whatever social problems exist in ghetto communities as being caused by the sins or negligence of whites whether racism in general or a legacy of slavery in particular. Like most emotionally powerful visions it is seldom if ever subjected to the test of evidence.
The legacy of slavery argument is not just an excuse for inexcusable behavior in the ghettos. In a larger sense it is an evasion of responsibility for the disastrous consequences of the prevailing social vision of our times and the political policies based on that vision over the past half century.
Anyone who is serious about evidence need only compare black communities as they evolved in the first 100 years after slavery with black communities as they evolved in the first 50 years after the explosive growth of the welfare state beginning in the 1960s.
You would be hard-pressed to find as many ghetto riots prior to the 1960s as we have seen just in the past year much less in the 50 years since a wave of such riots swept across the country in 1965.
We are told that such riots are a result of black poverty and white racism. But in fact -- for those who still have some respect for facts -- black poverty was far worse and white racism was far worse prior to 1960. But violent crime within black ghettos was far less.
Among the many painful ironies in the current racial turmoil is that communities scattered across the country were disrupted by riots and looting because of the demonstrable lie that Michael Brown was shot in the back by a white policeman in Missouri -- but there was not nearly as much turmoil created by the demonstrable fact that a fleeing black man was shot dead by a white policeman in South Carolina.
Totally ignored was the fact that a black policeman in Alabama fatally shot an unarmed white teenager and was cleared of any charges at about the same time that a white policeman was cleared of charges in the fatal shooting of Michael Brown.
In a world where the truth means so little and headstrong preconceptions seem to be all that matter what hope is there for rational words or rational behavior much less mutual understanding across racial lines?
When the recorded fatal shooting of a fleeing man in South Carolina brought instant condemnation by whites and blacks alike and by the most conservative as well as the most liberal commentators that moment of mutual understanding was very fleeting as if mutual understanding were something to be avoided as a threat to a vision of us against them that was more popular.
That vision is nowhere more clearly expressed than in attempts to automatically depict whatever social problems exist in ghetto communities as being caused by the sins or negligence of whites whether racism in general or a legacy of slavery in particular. Like most emotionally powerful visions it is seldom if ever subjected to the test of evidence.
The legacy of slavery argument is not just an excuse for inexcusable behavior in the ghettos. In a larger sense it is an evasion of responsibility for the disastrous consequences of the prevailing social vision of our times and the political policies based on that vision over the past half century.
Anyone who is serious about evidence need only compare black communities as they evolved in the first 100 years after slavery with black communities as they evolved in the first 50 years after the explosive growth of the welfare state beginning in the 1960s.
You would be hard-pressed to find as many ghetto riots prior to the 1960s as we have seen just in the past year much less in the 50 years since a wave of such riots swept across the country in 1965.
We are told that such riots are a result of black poverty and white racism. But in fact -- for those who still have some respect for facts -- black poverty was far worse and white racism was far worse prior to 1960. But violent crime within black ghettos was far less.
Thomas Sowell is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institute and author of The Housing Boom and Bust.
